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General Planning:
Quechua planners used resources and knowledge of ancestral cultures. That way they could improve the use of their geography in order to
establish a system of human settlements, to create a road network
and to improve communications, lodging and supplying substructures
(a broad and complete study about this subject was done by Santiago
Agurto from which some of this information was taken).
It is obvious that Inkan City Planning depended
on some elementary aspects, among which we can mention their deep
pantheist religion that considered in a very special way their
environment: the Pachamama (Mother Earth), the Apus and Aukis
(Mountains' and Valleys' Spirits), the Wakas (Temples) framed in
Ceques (imaginary lines with Waka successions). City Planning was
also consequence of their broad pragmatism and the economic sense
that an urban center represented. The Inkas, being a farming society
had to reserve the best lands for their main activity without
wasting them for temples or villages that were built in rustic
terrains. Even inside the towns, the streets were always narrow to
take a maximum advantage of the land. City Planning was also
determined by some other order and authority elements, with their
aforementioned principles of Bi, Tri and Fourth partition, Symmetry,
Opposition, Repetition and Subordination. Two parts are found in the
urban design of Inkan Qosqo City, Hanan Qosqo and Urin Qosqo (upper
and lower Qosqo); four sectors corresponding to the four nations of
the Tawantinsuyo; twelve neighborhoods resulting from dividing each
sector in three; and the subdivision of each neighborhood in three
sub-ones, Collana, Payan and Cayao. Hanan was more important than
Urin; while that Chinchaysuyo opposed Collasuyo and Contisuyo to
Antisuyo. City Planning had an integrating position too, thus it
normally tried to be integrated with nature. That is the reason why
the Inkan Society is classified as eminently ecologist. Commonly,
inside an urban core its central part was occupied by temples and
palaces, while that the peripheries by settlements in a decreasing
way considering their importance.
The road network in pre-Hispanic Peru was really
impressive for its age. It caused wonder among the first Europeans
who visited the Tawantinsuyo and did not hesitate comparing it with
that developed by Romans that were the only ones having something of
such magnitude in the Old World. The road network had to allow a
fast intercommunication between Qosqo and the entire Tawantinsuyo
and vice versa. It was intended to get territorial integration,
after giving security, relax and supplies for travelers, official
suites or the army. It was supposed to allow an efficient
production, gathering and redistribution of goods and raise
tributary resources. Roads and paths had different categories,
functions and characteristics according to their duties and the
territory where they were located. In the coast they were just dusty
ones but on a level higher than natural soil. Crossing the deserts
there were pegs and even ropes to make their limits. In rainy and
humid regions they were totally paved with cobbles or flagstones.
All roads were always planned to give comfort to walking travelers.
There was a road hierarchy with two important
categories: the first category formed by the Inkañan (Inka Road) or
royal roads that were, for example, the ones that united Qosqo and
the four "Suyos", roads known as Qhapaq Ñan: principal or rich road.
In this same category were the Hatun Ñan: big or broad road; they
constituted the primary road network that had between 10 to 25
thousand Kms. (6200 to 15500 miles), with a width from 4 to 8 meters
(13 to 26 ft). The second category was formed by the Runañan
(peoples' road) or roads for common people; they served for
communications between villages and districts. The road system went
over the Tawantinsuyo longitudinal and transversely; all together it
reached some 40,000 Kms. (some 25000 miles). This system was
constantly supervised by officials following different hierarchies
as the Qhapaq Ñan Tukuyrikuq, the Hatun Ñan Qamayoq or simply the
Ñan Qamayoq.
Something very impressive were also the Bridges
(Chaka) under the charge of the Chaka Qamayoq. Bridges that had to
serve crossing rivers and had to be adapted to the site's
topography, distance and materials availability. According to their
construction procedure bridges can be grouped in:
a: Trunks and Logs
Bridges. They were a favorite type when bridges were small.
b: Stone Bridges.
Formed by slabs and they existed of two sorts: those of just one
window, and those that presented many windows or spaces to let water
flow.
c: Huaros, Uruyas or
Oroyas, Tarabitas (in Ecuador). They were something like cable cars
consisting in a very thick hemp rope woven in "chawar" fibers. The
hemp rope was tied to thick trees or boulders, by which an osier
basket having a thick wooden handle and transporting persons and
goods was slid with the help of some other ropes.
d: Suspension
Bridges. Constructed with thick hemp ropes and cords braided with
"Ichu" the local wild bunch grass or fibers of "Pakpa" or Century
Plants (Agave americana). Sometimes they were reinforced with
leathers of South-American cameloids and tied to stone supports in
both banks of the river forming a narrow but strong passage. The
bridges of this type were known as " Simp'achaka" or "braided
bridge". Today, the most eloquent example of this sort of bridge is
that found in Qheswachaka over the Apurimac River.
e: Floating Bridges.
Used to cross calm or detained waters and made with different
vegetal fibers. It is famous the bridge of this sort that existed in
Inkan times over the Desaguadero River (Titicaca Lake) made with
braided totora reeds that seemed to be a platform over which a large
amount of reeds were sewn to the hemp ropes.
A complete system of different services was found
over the vast Inkan road network. It was planned in order to allow
integration, safety, supplies and relaxation. A part of this system
were the Chaski, something like a post crew formed by athletic young
relay runners prepared to cover quickly the distance between two
Chaskiwasi (chaski's house) that had an average of 2.5 Kms. (1.55
miles). Their aim was to carry messages that could be oral or goods
with ideo-graphic meanings such as the Qhipu (Inkan accounting
system consisting in multicolored knotted strings), textiles with
Tokapus (different symbols framed by squares), some other elements
engraved or painted, etc. Moreover, the Chaskis had to carry some
other important objects for the Inka and certain noblemen: it is
traditionally known that the Inka in Qosqo used to eat fresh fish
brought from the coast through this system. This service was
uninterrupted all day long, besides being sufficiently quick. These
young runners transmitting or passing messages could go over from 15
to 20 kms/hour (from 9.5 to 12.5 miles/h), thence from 360 to 480
Kms. per day (from 224 to 298 miles per day).
Another element found on the roads involving
services were the Tanpu or Tambo in its Spanish form. They were
important villages, economic axles having huge lodges with capacity
to serve opportune and efficiently even dozens of thousands of
people, with enormous storehouses containing, food, clothing,
weapons and tools. They had an economic and social rule, and public
officials under direct control of Qosqo. They possessed all the
facilities that were found in the cities too, such as communication
posts, temples, astral observatories, etc., and occupied strategic
spots in order to offer timely comfort for the traveling masses.
They were normally located between distances of one walking day,
that is, between 40 to 50 kms. (25 to 31 miles).
It is obvious that there were different Tambo
categories; the less important ones offering only lodge were found
every half walking day, between 20 to 25 kms. (12.5 to 15.5 miles).
Departing from Qosqo through the 7 most important roads (after a
half walking day) following the sense of the clock hands were
(clockwise and beginning on the north) P'isaq, Quispikanchi or
Pikillaqta, Yaurisque, Wanoquite, Jakijawana or Zurite, Chinchero
and Calca; after one walking day following the same direction were
more important Tambos such as Paucartambo, Urkostambo, Pakariqtambo,
Tambobamba, Limatambo, Ollantaytambo and Amparaes.
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